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IELTS 形式のリーディング:数えることの代償
名前:日付:
IELTS アカデミックのリーディング形式の独自の練習で、公式のテストではありません。研究の評価についての論述的な文章と、書き手の見解についての Yes/No/Not Given、多肢選択、完成問題があります。
The cost of counting
Few workplaces have embraced measurement as wholeheartedly as the modern research university. A scientist's career now generates a trail of figures: papers published, times those papers are cited, the prestige ranking of the journals that accepted them, and an index that combines several of these into a single number. Administrators find such figures irresistible, and it is easy to see why. Deciding whether a physicist's work on unstable particles is better than a botanist's catalogue of mountain grasses is a task for which almost no one has the expertise, whereas comparing two integers requires none at all.
The difficulty is that a measure adopted as a convenience tends to become a target, and a target soon ceases to measure anything reliably. This principle, familiar to economists for decades, has a predictable effect on research. When promotion depends on the number of papers produced, researchers divide one substantial study into several thin ones; when citations count, they cite colleagues generously and expect the courtesy to be returned. None of this requires dishonesty in any ordinary sense. It is simply what intelligent people do when the rules of a game are announced in advance. The numbers rise; whether knowledge rises with them is another matter.
Consider a hypothetical department that is told its funding will depend on average citations per member. The sensible response is not to improve the research but to reshape the department: to recruit people working in fields where papers attract many citations, and to quietly discourage those whose subjects are small and specialised. Such decisions are made without any ill will and are described in meeting minutes as strategic alignment. The result, over a decade, is a department that scores well and covers less.
Defenders of the system are quick to point out that the alternative is not a golden age of disinterested inquiry but the old patronage of senior professors, in which appointments were decided by reputation, friendship and sometimes prejudice. They have a point. Metrics did open doors for gifted researchers from unfashionable institutions, and a figure at least can be contested in public in a way that a whispered opinion cannot. Yet to concede this is not to concede that the present arrangement is the best available, still less that it should be extended to every corner of academic life.
A more subtle objection concerns what gets measured at all. Slow projects, those that take ten years to yield a single result, are poorly suited to an annual review. So are negative findings, the careful demonstration that a promising treatment does not work, which are valuable to other researchers but unlikely to be cited. Most worrying of all is the effect on the questions scientists choose to ask. A young researcher who knows that a safe, incremental problem will produce three papers in two years, while a bold one may produce none, is not being cowardly in choosing the former. The system has made caution the rational choice, and rational people respond accordingly.
The pressure extends to the journals themselves. Editors know that articles on fashionable subjects attract citations, and that a journal's own ranking depends on them; it is hardly surprising, then, that fashionable subjects fill their pages. Reviewers, too, have been known to favour work that resembles what they have already read. None of this is sinister, but together these habits make a field more conservative than the individuals within it would choose to be.
Some institutions have begun to experiment. One approach asks applicants for promotion to submit only a small number of their best works, accompanied by a short statement of why each matters, so that the panel reads rather than counts. Early reports suggest that panels find the process considerably more time-consuming, and it would be surprising if they did not; reading is slower than arithmetic. Whether overstretched committees will tolerate the burden once the novelty has worn off remains to be seen. The risk is that such schemes become a ritual, in which the statements are written to a formula and read by no one.
It would be comforting to conclude with a neat remedy, but the honest conclusion is less tidy. Any system that rewards people according to visible criteria will be gamed by them, and any system that dispenses with criteria invites favouritism. The sensible aim is not to find an incorruptible measure but to keep measures in their place, treating them as a clue to be weighed alongside judgement rather than a verdict that replaces it. That requires something metrics were invented to avoid: people willing to take responsibility for a decision that cannot be defended by pointing to a number.
Yes、No、Not Given
文は書き手の見解または主張と一致していますか。文が書き手と一致する場合は Yes、矛盾する場合は No、書き手がこれについてどう考えているか判断できない場合は Not Given を選んでください。
- Administrators like research metrics partly because they allow very different fields to be compared without specialist knowledge.
- Most researchers who divide a study into several thin papers are behaving dishonestly.
- The old system of appointments by senior professors was sometimes unfair.
- Metrics have never helped researchers from less well-known institutions.
- Young researchers who choose bold problems tend to be more talented than those who choose safe ones.
- Early reports show that panels which read selected works reach fairer decisions than panels which count papers.
- With enough effort, a measure of research quality that cannot be manipulated can be designed.
- The kind of department described in the third paragraph usually acts without bad intentions.
選択式
正しい答え A、B、C、D のいずれかを選んでください。
- What is the main purpose of the first paragraph?
- What does the courtesy refer to in the second paragraph?
- What does the writer suggest about the hypothetical department in paragraph three?
- How does the writer respond to the defenders of the system in paragraph four?
- What does the writer mean by saying that rational people respond accordingly?
短答の完成問題
文を完成させてください。各答えには、本文から NO MORE THAN TWO WORDS を選んでください。
- Projects that take ten years to yield a result suit an annual ___ poorly.
- A careful demonstration that a promising treatment does not work is called a ___ finding.
- Some institutions ask applicants to submit only a few of their ___ works.
- The writer fears that new schemes may become a ___ in which statements are written to a formula.
- The writer says measures should be treated as a ___ rather than a verdict.
解答
Yes、No、Not Given
- a) Yes書き手は、物理学者と植物学者を比較するには誰も持っていない専門知識が必要だが、2 つの整数を比較するには必要ないと述べています。
- b) No書き手は、このどれも、通常の意味での不誠実さを必要としないと述べています。
- a) Yes書き手は、任用の根拠として、評判、友情、ときには偏見を挙げています。
- b) No書き手は、指標が、注目されていない機関の優秀な研究者に実際に門戸を開いたと述べています。
- c) Not Given書き手は、安全な問題が合理的な選択である理由を説明していますが、どの研究者がより才能があるかについては何も述べていません。
- c) Not Given第 7 段落で触れられている初期の報告は、プロセスにより時間がかかるようになったということだけで、公平性については何も述べられていません。
- b) No書き手は、賢明な目標は、不正の起こり得ない指標を見つけることではないと述べています。
- a) Yes書き手は、そのような決定は悪意なしに行われると述べています。
選択式
- b) To explain why numerical measures appeal to the people who manage universitiesその段落は数字を説明し、それが管理者にとって魅力的な理由を説明して終わります。書き手は誰も怠惰だとは言っていません。
- c) citing colleagues generously研究者は同僚を気前よく引用し、この礼儀が同じように返されることを期待しています。
- b) It may raise its score while becoming narrower in what it studies.その学科は点数が高く、扱う範囲が狭いので、点数は上がるが範囲は狭まります。
- c) By accepting part of the argument but resisting its wider conclusion書き手は、彼らの言い分にも一理あると述べていますが、そのことが現行の制度を最善のものにする、あるいはさらに拡大すべきものにするとは否定しています。
- b) Choosing safe problems is a sensible reaction to the incentives they face.慎重さが合理的な選択になっているので、自分の利益を賢明に考える人はそれを選びます。
短答の完成問題
- review段落 5:時間のかかるプロジェクトは、年次評価には適していません。
- negative段落 5 は、否定的な結果に触れています。
- best段落 7:彼らの最良の作品のうちの少数。
- ritual段落 7:そのような制度が形だけの儀式になる危険があります。
- clue最終段落:判断と並べて検討すべき手がかり。